WEBVTT Kind: captions; language: en-us
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Treffsikkerhet: 86% (H?Y)
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Welcome to this second week of the anthropology and environmental course, it was good to see you all
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last Thursday and I am also really impressed with how prepared you were. Keep up the good work. Today
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we're going to look at two classical themes in environmental anthropology. Commons and the
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politics of knowledge so starting out with a debate about commons
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Treffsikkerhet: 76% (H?Y)
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Going to get my slides going
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Treffsikkerhet: 91% (H?Y)
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There we are
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Treffsikkerhet: 77% (H?Y)
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What started that debate was an extremely influential article by Hardin written in
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1968 it was actually not about commons as such but about population growth, but what he's remembered
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from that article and what is used still today you hear about the tragedy of the commons so what is
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used from that article
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Treffsikkerhet: 83% (H?Y)
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is what he said about the impossibility of having commons that are not regulated. He starts out bad
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saying that there are a set of problems that can't be fixed technically you need some kind of
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political enforcement of solutions to solve these kind of problems, and he mentions a few but argues
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then that population is
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Treffsikkerhet: 79% (H?Y)
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is one of them. He draws on Thomas Malthus' argument to make that claim this is in itself
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quite a problematic argument that Malthus is making, we won't talk about that now but basically what
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Malthus is saying is that population will always grow exponentially and in a finite world where
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you do not have enough resources to sustain
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Treffsikkerhet: 88% (H?Y)
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a population this will eventually lead to overpopulation and then Malthus believed mass
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starvation's which were necessary for populations to regulate themselves.
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Treffsikkerhet: 75% (MEDIUM)
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Hardin argues then in the article that we will need some kind of situation where population growth will need to
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stabilise and be zero, the question if is this will happen by itself, it will not because we cannot
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really maximise for population and well-being at the same time. Either you everyone will have to live
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at a bare minimum and not
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Treffsikkerhet: 80% (H?Y)
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spend energy on vacation, leisure, intellectual work or similar things if you want to have an as
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large population as possible, Hardin argues that we need to stabilise the
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population some way and that this will not happen by itself. He believes that Adam Smith was wrong in assuming
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that an invisible hand
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Treffsikkerhet: 79% (H?Y)
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Would mean that enlightened self-interest will lead to what is best for everyone this will not
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happen and this is because of what he calls and that is his famous phrase the tragedy of the
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commons, and here is an important metaphor from his article imagine a
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situation he says where pasture where you grace your cows
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Treffsikkerhet: 90% (H?Y)
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it's open to everyone, now all individual herdsmen will want as many cattle as possible for
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themselves to gain their own profit, and this is fine this works well as long as an external force
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regulate how many cattle can be on that pasture, if you have war if you have other kind of
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limitations to how many cows or cattle each person can have this works fine.
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Treffsikkerhet: 90% (H?Y)
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but in a situation of peace he says then inherent logic of the commons leads to the tragedy of the
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commons and this is because of a really simple mathematical addition he says. If you as an individual
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add one more cow to the field it leads to a gain of one, you have one more cow and you should
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definitely do that.
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Treffsikkerhet: 91% (H?Y)
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if everybody keeps on doing that there will eventually be too many cows right, not enough grass for
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everyone.
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Treffsikkerhet: 80% (H?Y)
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but he argues the problem with this is that nobody will stop adding cows, because the disadvantage
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of adding one more cow is the lack of one additional gracing cow divided by all the different people
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who put cows on them so i.e. while adding one makes you gain one the negative effect of
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Treffsikkerhet: 88% (H?Y)
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doing so is shared by everyone, and so people rational self maximizing individual will keep on adding
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cows until all the cows die and that is the tragedy of the commons.
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Treffsikkerhet: 73% (MEDIUM)
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Freedom in a common he says brings ruin to all and he has a number of examples of that. One
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is pastures that we just went through but also wilderness in national parks, everybody goes in to
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experience wilderness and to be alone in nature but as more and more people do so you have less
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disturbed nature to experience but again nobody would sort of not go
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Treffsikkerhet: 73% (MEDIUM)
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Because just adding yourself to it is not going to solve the situation.
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Treffsikkerhet: 86% (H?Y)
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fishing in the sea with no regulation same thing, the fish stock will deplete and diminish but you
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will still take out as much as you can you will not yourself try to be sustainable because nobody
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else does and it doesn't pay for yourself
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Treffsikkerhet: 85% (H?Y)
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it also holds for the reverse situation he says with pollution for instance, so again if
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everybody say farmers around a river put pollution or dump waste into it it doesn't really matter as
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long as they are not many, if they continue to do so as a population grows you will have a negative
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effect there will be less and less pure water but again it doesn't really help if you stop
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Treffsikkerhet: 79% (H?Y)
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all right so everybody will keep polluting until the water is completely useless so this is his
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argument about the commons, they only work with a low density of people but now we
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need some kind of enclosure and creation to make them work and this has been done in the past and
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he's talking of course about the enclosures of the common in medieval England and similar situations
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Treffsikkerhet: 88% (H?Y)
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but we know how to do so he says for population control. We can't let people decide for themselves
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how many children they will have and in this article he only mentions what seems like
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one solution to this and that is private property. In later article also says that state
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socialism i.e. a strong state control of the commons or enclose the commons will probably also work
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Treffsikkerhet: 80% (H?Y)
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now that article has been sort of standing as an almost scientific law as Feeny et. al argues
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They summarise the debate after 22 years and see whether this still
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holds water as a sign as an universal law and even if they are
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Treffsikkerhet: 78% (H?Y)
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not anthropologist themselves, the argument they make is very anthropological in that it brings
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empirical nuance to a more universal explanation of the kind that Hardin is making.
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Treffsikkerhet: 87% (H?Y)
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so they begin by summing up the argument saying that it has reached a status as an universal almost
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and it's used as an argument even more importantly it's still being used as an argument for a
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abandoning commons and to impose some kind of private or state control over resources
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Treffsikkerhet: 87% (H?Y)
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there's a number of problems with their argument, first and most importantly he confuses
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what they call characteristics of a resource and the property regimes apply to them. I.e. when you
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talk about private property and the state you need to distinguish those kind of regimes of
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controlling resources from the resources themselves, so they coin a new word a new phrase
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Treffsikkerhet: 84% (H?Y)
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which is called common property resources, not just common property right and a common property
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resource is defined by two characteristics 1) it has a problem with excludability i.e. it's difficult to
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exclude potential users like the pasture that Hardin mentioned for instance, it's not self-evident
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that it's an easy fix to exclude other people from exploiting the resource. 2) just as important
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Treffsikkerhet: 79% (H?Y)
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it has a problem with subtractability, which means that it matters for the people who use the resource,
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each user abstracts from the welfare of the other users and if you think about that that applies to
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all the cases but that Hardin mention, so they defined a common property resource as a class of
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resources for which exclusion is difficult and joint use involves subtractability
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Treffsikkerhet: 71% (MEDIUM)
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Treffsikkerhet: 91% (H?Y)
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This then needs to be distinguished from property right regimes and these they point out are
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ideal types for those of you who have read social science you know what an ideal type is it's a
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phrase taken from Max Weber where he says that in order to think and analyse a situation we could
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start with pure forms that we don't necessarily find in the world but they are helpful to think
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with
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Treffsikkerhet: 91% (H?Y)
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which basically means that you won't have pure open Access situation or pure private property
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situations or pure communal property situations but if you look at an empirical case you'll find a
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mix, in terms of logic and and analysis it's helpful to think of them as ideal types right.
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The first ideal type is open access, free and open to all for example oceans before the 20th century
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Treffsikkerhet: 89% (H?Y)
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When there was no regulation about who extracted anything, the second idea of type of property regimes
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is private property which is defined by a right to exclude people vested in individual and or a
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group but also backed by state and that's an important point when it comes to private property when
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the kind of private property we have in Norway for instance is backed by the state if somebody
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tries to steal
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Treffsikkerhet: 84% (H?Y)
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what you think is your private property you go to the police i.e. use the state to back your private
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property, and this property is exclusive and is possible to transfer it to a another person, so a
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private forest or a range land like that is a privately owned pasture would be examples of that.
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communal property then are owned by a community of users
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Treffsikkerhet: 91% (H?Y)
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that is an extremely common form in other parts of the world it tends to exclude people who are not
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part of that community from use and distribute right to use the resource equally within the
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community.
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Treffsikkerhet: 91% (H?Y)
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Last ideal type is state property where power is vested in government and enforcement is also done
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by government so state forests for instance would be an example of that so we now have these four
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different kind of property regimes and the two definitions of what a common property resource is.
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A misunderstanding that
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Treffsikkerhet: 88% (H?Y)
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Hardin makes they argue is that they see communal property as the same as open access i.e. the example
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we used when we started out with a pasture open to all, that's the first sentence in Hardins
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example so we need to look at what the empirical evidence actually says about exclusion and about
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regulation for the different types rather than assume that communal property means open access
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Treffsikkerhet: 77% (H?Y)
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and by what kind of criteria then you would judge success or otherwise in when we examine
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exclusion and regulation for the different types well they say let's use ecologically sustainability, is
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this a way of looking after the resource that does not deplete it and destroy it in the way that
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Hardin argued would happen automatically with communal property.
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Treffsikkerhet: 88% (H?Y)
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So let's look at the first one then: open access
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Treffsikkerhet: 90% (H?Y)
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in terms of exclusion this supports Hardins argument but they the
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situation is often created by for instance a colonial power and this happened for instance in where
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I worked in South Africa where communal property regimes were deregulated because
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community authority were destroyed.
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Treffsikkerhet: 70% (MEDIUM)
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The regulation likewise is supported by Hardin when supply exceeds the amount so it's
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hard to have some kind of regulation for instance when you can't really control the resource
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and again they use examples from North America. So for open access situations
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Treffsikkerhet: 78% (H?Y)
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Hardin's argument tend to be supported but it's partly more complicated by that because these kind of
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situations are often created rather than just given, private property which is Hardin's success
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case also tend to be successful but again they say if you look at the empirical evidence not
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necessarily and not always so when you look at exclusion you have for example a
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classical case like oil in
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Treffsikkerhet: 91% (H?Y)
00:16:03.750 --> 00:16:12.700
Pennsylvania which regulated the oil as private property on the surface of individual farms but the
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resource of course was under the ground and covered several private properties which meant that you
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Did not have a sustainable and helpful way of extracting the oil because rather than
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cooperating in getting access to the oil everybody competed
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Treffsikkerhet: 82% (H?Y)
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on the same resource. Enforcement should be easy in a private property situation but is not
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always and the whole phenomena of poaching of illegally taking a resource that is enclosed is
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of course a problem.
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Treffsikkerhet: 80% (H?Y)
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regulation is also again following Hardin seems to work relatively well because it is the same
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person who would take the cost and the benefit so you wouldn't normally deplete a resource because it
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only hurts yourself but that is not always the case if you have a resource that is so slow in
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reproducing that
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Treffsikkerhet: 86% (H?Y)
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you can't really maximise it at all and that would take 2,000 years to grow back or whales
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that would take centuries to rebuild their stock it would actually make sense from a private
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property resource management perspective to rather let them die and take out the resource, the profit
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that you could from them now rather than just wait for that. So again supports Hardin but not
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always.
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Treffsikkerhet: 78% (H?Y)
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Where they really disagree about Hardin's analysis is for the communal property regime. Hardin thought
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that exclusion in communal property i.e. imagine a farm open to all would be impossible, but it is
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actually the norm, in almost all cases you look at of communal property there is
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regulation, some set of community some set of
NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 83% (H?Y)
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people defined as a community control their resource and would not let anybody else that is not part of
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that community on to that resource, a pasture for instance. If a community in
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rural South Africa for instance control a pasture they would not let people outside of the community
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use that pasture and they will also regulate how many cows people could put onto the common resource, so
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Treffsikkerhet: 82% (H?Y)
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There is a lot of evidence that actually shows that exclusion happens as the norm in communal property
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and it's not impossible, they also argue that this is not just old ancient regimes or in rural
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situations in Africa it's also happened in newer instances, for instance fisheries in Japan deviced
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A common because they saw that they had a problem with overfishing so they created a membership of
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who could fish
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Treffsikkerhet: 88% (H?Y)
00:19:21.350 --> 00:19:25.700
certain areas and decided on how much people can fish
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Treffsikkerhet: 87% (H?Y)
00:19:26.700 --> 00:19:36.100
and as they began by saying as well the reason why communal property often fail is
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because of outside pressure, a situation like the one I just described is replaced by a powerful
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group replacing the community and say this is our resource now and then people stopped
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looking after it the people who for instance used it for pasture before would
NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 71% (MEDIUM)
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try to poach and take out as much as they can from that resource.
NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 91% (H?Y)
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likewise regulation as I've said, tends to work Contra Hardin.
00:20:07.650 --> 00:20:13.600
immediately after he published this article people started pointing out that
00:20:13.600 --> 00:20:20.100
his main case the commons of medieval England actually functioned for several
00:20:20.100 --> 00:20:28.000
centuries and they were regulated, and again for regulation there's also new instances again an
00:20:28.000 --> 00:20:29.050
example from
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Treffsikkerhet: 88% (H?Y)
00:20:29.050 --> 00:20:35.600
from fisheries where people decide on we need some kind of regulation here and that
00:20:35.600 --> 00:20:44.050
happens it's also happens in again from my part of the world South Africa where
00:20:44.050 --> 00:20:50.500
Rivers for instance used for farming you would have the problem of people high up in the stream
00:20:50.500 --> 00:20:57.800
extracting too much water leaving nothing for the farmers downstream that is often sold by
00:20:57.800 --> 00:20:58.950
regulation
NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 76% (H?Y)
00:20:58.950 --> 00:21:05.000
you create a water committee a water board who decides on who gets to take out how much water, so
00:21:05.000 --> 00:21:13.300
there is enough for everyone. Where Hardin is basically seriously wrong is in thinking that
00:21:13.300 --> 00:21:20.100
exclusion and regulation is not possible for communal property, all empirical evidence show that it
00:21:20.100 --> 00:21:29.050
is possible and it's often in position of outside forces that destroy these kind of regimes.
NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 89% (H?Y)
00:21:29.050 --> 00:21:34.900
State Property the other thing that he thought would function quite unproblematically also tends to
00:21:34.900 --> 00:21:41.600
but again for exclusion you could have a problem with legitimacy, if people don't really
00:21:41.600 --> 00:21:47.700
believe that the state should make this decision you will end up with situations where they try to
00:21:47.700 --> 00:21:54.850
avoid it and take out control and take out resources, this happens with poaching in
00:21:54.850 --> 00:21:57.000
state-controlled
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Treffsikkerhet: 85% (H?Y)
00:21:58.200 --> 00:22:07.700
parks for instance national parks in South Africa and likewise with regulation again it tends
00:22:07.700 --> 00:22:14.699
to be quite easy because it's one act of the state that imposes a set of regulations on the resource
00:22:14.699 --> 00:22:23.000
but as we know can happen when a state or different interest within a state try to impose control
00:22:23.000 --> 00:22:29.100
you might have a proliferation of laws because so many different interests so many different state
NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 86% (H?Y)
00:22:29.100 --> 00:22:35.500
Bodies try to have their interest expressed in the regulation so it's not completely
00:22:35.500 --> 00:22:38.050
straightforward there as well.
NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 77% (H?Y)
00:22:38.050 --> 00:22:44.700
so to sum up the argument Hardin assumed when he talks about the impossibility of common that
00:22:44.700 --> 00:22:51.700
Commons always had open access that there were no way of constraining or regulating the resource
00:22:51.700 --> 00:23:00.700
that demand exceeds supply that uses could not change the rules like we saw happened with the
00:23:00.700 --> 00:23:07.200
modern coastal fisheries in Japan and Turkey and most importantly he did not distinguish between
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communal property resources
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Treffsikkerhet: 81% (H?Y)
00:23:08.949 --> 00:23:12.250
And communal property regimes
NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 90% (H?Y)
00:23:12.250 --> 00:23:20.200
which led him to argue that there is no sustainable management and exclusion except for private
00:23:20.200 --> 00:23:29.100
and state property and that they are good enough correct there are a lot of
00:23:29.100 --> 00:23:38.500
examples of regulation and exclusion for especially communal property and it's not the case either
00:23:38.500 --> 00:23:42.500
that private or state property always is sufficient to manage our resource
NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 73% (MEDIUM)
00:23:42.500 --> 00:23:51.650
so what we need to look at instead when we talk about commons or contrast commons with
00:23:51.650 --> 00:23:59.750
private and state property is to look at the complex interaction between the resource themselves
00:23:59.750 --> 00:24:09.900
and the kind of characteristics they have in this case but it's possible to that it's difficult to
00:24:09.900 --> 00:24:12.450
exclude users from them and that it matters
NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 91% (H?Y)
00:24:12.450 --> 00:24:20.200
How many people use them, the kind of property regimes that your resources are under and the more
00:24:20.200 --> 00:24:29.650
general socio-economic characteristics of sustainability so this is a very
00:24:29.650 --> 00:24:36.400
anthropological argument in the sense that it adds empirical complexity to what seems like a very
00:24:36.400 --> 00:24:42.699
straightforward clear intellectual argument, when you look at Hardin
NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 88% (H?Y)
00:24:42.699 --> 00:24:51.600
Takes his argument and actually applies his argument to real empirical realities you get a much more
00:24:51.600 --> 00:25:01.300
complex story and findings and this is what anthropologists are often really good at