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alright welcome back so before we get to the first challenge to this neoliberal consensus that we've
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talked about as sketched out by Milton and Rose Friedman as they draw on Adam Smith. Before we start to
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challenge this consensus I'd like you to invite I'd like to invite you to consider how
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it perhaps nonetheless is onto something obviously correct okay. Adam Smith to put it mildly was no
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fool because think about this isn't it true that it's not indeed from the as he puts it the
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benevolence of the butcher or the Brewer that we get our meat or our beer but rather from the
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pursuit of their self-interest in other words when
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the Butcher and Brewer seeks to make money the rest of us can actually enjoy their services so
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isn't the profit motive indeed a key element of economic life and something that's economic
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anthropologists like yourselves have to face up to and kind of accept as a foundation.
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have you ever met a merchant who does not like to invest low and sell high? I think that Adam Smith
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and my extension the Friedman's were onto something fundamentally correct. It is indeed
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not from the benevolent care of the person operating the cash register at Kiwi or Rema 1000 or
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another grocery store that we get to buy our bread and our milk and our butter,
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in a market sellers and buyers are indeed locked into a kind of a dance where the price is
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influenced by how much someone is willing to pay for an object and how hard and expensive it is for
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the seller to obtain that object
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it's true
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also that way there is the man in a globalized interconnected economy you will often get supply
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people producing services. So the economists are right about these things I think and about one thing
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in general that incentives matter I think that is kind of the the key touchstone for economics
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incentives matter etc etc. So just to kind of clear up any kind of misunderstanding
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that we could invite here
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no one that you'll go on to read in the syllabus has
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any problem with this story of economic life
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but all of the text that you will go on to read also say this in one way or another that hey
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this is not the end of the story what people do as they engage in production in distribution and
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consumption or transfer of assets. in other words as they go on living economic lives
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in a sense I sometimes think of the syllabus as a piece of classical music
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a symphony if you like and the symphony begins with a very clear tone triangle and Milton Friedman
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and the notion of the freedom to choose in a market is that triangle, but from here every text that
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you read will add a layer to the symphony making it more complex and richer our understanding of how
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people live and why the world is as as it is Will
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get richer
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and that is of course kind of a nice
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way of breaking down the differences on the syllabus saying that they'd all these different
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perspectives they belong in the same Symphony. It perhaps also cloaks up some of the real
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differences and antagonism that there are in the syllabus and David Harvey in fact argues comes
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out very strongly arguing that the story that Milton Rose Friedman and scholars or
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or economists like them tell is actually
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an ideology it's part of an ideological project and intellectual excuse for waging a class war or
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project by the economic Elites to regain power and to increase their economic power
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and whether in the end of this course or in the in a couple of weeks you think and you look back and
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you say that David Harvey or have someone else in the syllabus actually ended up successfully
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destroying the neoliberal consensus that we started out with or whether you think that perhaps both
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David Harvey and the Friedman's miss out on some fundamental aspect of economic life as its lived
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well that is for you to decide
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and to think about perhaps towards the end of this course. But for now with Harvey I think the more
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appropriate metaphor even though I like the symphony metaphor for the syllabus or for at least for
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the text that we're dealing with today is
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the boxing ring now we have learned about the perspective of the Friedman's and their boxing
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coach Adam Smith and now here he is into the ring now steps this man David Harvey and his boxing
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coach
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although it doesn't read in black-and-white perhaps in this text but this is nonetheless the
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case, his boxing coach is Karl Marx very different thinker than Adam Smith. Although
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there are some interesting overlaps between them. Now if we if we stick with these two for the sake
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of clarity
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you see that right off the bat in the title of David Harvey's text which is the
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introductory chapter 2 of his book on neoliberalism you see it the challenge coming up, freedom is
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just another word and in the sense that sums it up for you I mean it resonates also with much of
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what we're going to talk about in this course. When you hear people talking about something that is
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quote unquote "free" or where they talk about Freedom or
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something being voluntary
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this course tells you sharpen your head reach for your intellectual revolver there's something fishy
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going on
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with this discourse of freedom, and the fishy thing for David Harvey what he finds fishy about the
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neoliberal consensus is actually quite straightforward:
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when you look at the history of the spread of the market at is in envisaged and indeed designed
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by Milton Friedman an economist that were trained by him
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or that were inspired by him, when you look at what happens when when this market is put into the
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world
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you actually see the state everywhere.
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The state has a very crucial part to play, this picture is from Chile in 1973 this is one of the
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countries where the new liberal economic consensus was first tried out in Chile the U.S
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orchestrated a coup in Chile that led to the downfall and murder of Salvador Allende
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the democratically-elected Socialist leader of that country
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and we can say a lot about Chile but it's clear here that the state is involved in promoting a certain a
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particular kind of market
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which is supposed to be free.
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isn't it strange David Harvey kind of invites us to reflect in his opening pages isn't it strange
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how the free market seems to ride into town on the top of a state-ordered military tank?
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Harvey observes the same was the case for Iraq and the way contractors and state builders in the US
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Military and the US government explicitly sought out to bring the market to Iraq and to enforce it
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so recall the neoliberal consensus holds among other things that the market is something that
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emerges organically from people's propensity to barter and exchange and it's something that
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exists therefore outside the state the government needs to stand aside for the market to flourish
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and here we see leading example examples of how States violently go in
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to enforce the market to bring the free market
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across the world to expand the market. So this is what you see when you take a different starting
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point, historical perspective which is what David Harvey is developing here. You
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end up seeing something different. In contrast to Friedman's emphasis on the idea of individual
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motivations that is kind of the starting the basis for
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for their analysis. David Harvey starts from a focus on history and Global political economic
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structures
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and he traces the rise of neoliberalism as a response to something that happened in the late 40s
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until the late 70s and this is a period
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of
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world history when government's believed in Keynesian mixed economies where by the
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state as envisioned to have a role and very active role in the economy
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mixing he quotes just to show that the there was a Keynesian consensus before the neoliberal
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consensus Nixon declared that "we are all Keynesians now" John Maynard Keynes is the man who says that
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kind of makes sharp remark on what we've been talking about in the last lecture that capitalism is
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the astounding belief that the most wicked of the men will do the most wickedest of
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things that is look after their own self-interest for the greatest good of everyone it is quite an
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astounding belief he says and basically Keynes you can read about more in our introductory book by
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Keith Hart and Cris Hann in economic anthropology and you can read the story in more
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detail but Keynes is basically a Social Democrat he believes in
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The state's legitimate role in ordering and creating functional markets with you know politically
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ordered politically designed and Harvey wants to show how
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the elites when the neoliberal policies came into place to place this Keynesian project of
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State intervention in the economy when the neoliberal politics came into place as a response to this
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world where economic elites had lost much of their pre-
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war economic influence and where you also saw the rise of socialist
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communist alternative with the cold war you saw also the rise of socialist parties and influential labor
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union movements inside the West itself in France in Italy
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in the US in the UK. When this political establishment the political economic establishment
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was challenged and lost partly its grip on power in the postwar years the neoliberal policies
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were invented, came into power, came of influence and the
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Result says Harvey
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was that indeed the economic elites he wants to demonstrate statistically how the economic elites in
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the late 70s and 80s and onwards we capture that economic power that they lost in the after War
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years and levels of inequality shot off into the stratosphere the rich got richer
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and the poor stayed poor
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As he
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demonstrates with a bunch of statistics.
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Remember this is David Harvey's argument okay, he draws attention to the importance of freedom as
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as an idea, it is an idea that is used by the
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proponents of the neoliberal consensus to justify particular kinds of social relationships a
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hierarchy
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and Harvey claims that it's an idea that it's often used by neoliberals to limit the freedom of
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groups of people to choose different kinds of societies so the big question is whose Freedom are we
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talking about? freedom to do what?
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how do we measure the degree of freedom in a market?
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and instead of markets naturally flourishing when the state withdraws you often see that states
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have to aggressively impose the rule of the market as in the case of Chile, Iraq, other examples
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throughout the text and he points out you know as I said straight off from the first Pages the role
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of the United States government in imposing free market economies across the world.
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this is Harvey's arguments.
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You see how it contributes to challenge some of the assumptions that we spoke about in the last
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lecture again that the market is antithetical to the state
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that market exchanges are fundamentally voluntary
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that we are free to choose in a free market
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there's little voluntary Harvey says in a sense there's little voluntary about
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someone staring down the barrel of a United States government or military
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gun
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in Iraq
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growing up in a society made through that invasion in the image of the ideas about the economy
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proposed by Milton Friedman and his like.
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There's nothing voluntary about that situation says Harvey, so there's something off here, and thirdly the
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assumption that everyone benefits from this setup. Again remember this is you know the the core
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empirical basis of Harvey's argument here, we have wealth spread in stunningly unfair ways
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something like 3 billionaires owning
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we know these figures we've all had them three billionaires owning as much as the poorest 600
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million people in the world together and that was a few years ago it's gotten worse. So how come
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these 600 million people who are poor engage in voluntary exchanges that end up producing that kind
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of world
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there's something fishy about that too
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There's a firth kind of key assumption in the neoliberal consensus is as we said earlier
00:19:19.500 --> 00:19:27.800
that trading is a natural state of affairs people its markets emerged because people have a
00:19:27.800 --> 00:19:33.200
propensity attend a natural tendency to barter and exchange and that we're going to see challenged
00:19:33.200 --> 00:19:38.300
more directly in the second lecture we're going to talk about different ways in which
00:19:38.300 --> 00:19:40.300
anthropological texts
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contribute to denaturalising these notions of exchange.
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What we have so far are two viewpoints two very different traditions of economic thought
00:19:57.750 --> 00:20:04.900
The Friedman's stand in the tradition of neoclassical economics that starts from the
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position of individual motivations in transactions and tends to assume the universality of the
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naturalness of Market exchanges.
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Harvey stands in the tradition of political economy, a traditional economic thought
00:20:23.700 --> 00:20:29.800
that starts from exploring the political structures within which different kinds of economic orders
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emerge and change the structures that are illustrated by the barrel of the gun
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in Chile's 1973 coup or the United States invasion of Iraq
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and new classical economics has tended to dominate the discipline of Economics well anthropology tends
00:20:59.200 --> 00:21:01.449
to be closer to political economy
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we'll see this and this will be clear as we go throughout the readings but we have also
00:21:07.500 --> 00:21:14.600
texts that are perhaps closer to the tradition of neoclassical economics
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00:21:15.000 --> 00:21:25.600
I set this up as a way to map out some of the landscape that
00:21:25.600 --> 00:21:32.200
we're going to Traverse in this course. However so we have these two contenders or these two
00:21:32.200 --> 00:21:42.600
viewpoints however there is a third or perhaps a different Viewpoint that we see in this
00:21:42.600 --> 00:21:45.250
week's readings that is different from
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00:21:45.250 --> 00:21:55.100
from both these perspectives on the economy and that is represented by someone who's a bit more
00:21:55.100 --> 00:22:02.900
Works in a way that is a bit more familiar perhaps to some of you who read anthropology
00:22:02.900 --> 00:22:12.400
based on ethnography and that is Karen Ho and I'll spend a few minutes in the third
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recording drawing out some of the
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key insights and provocations we can find in Karen Ho's text about Wall Street bankers and the
00:22:26.000 --> 00:22:29.000
roots of financial crisis